PS: Natürlich kein richtiges Tagebuch, aber Kommentare und
Artikel zu Fidschi, entweder in deutsch oder englisch. Aeltere Einträge sind im
Archiv zu finden.
18. Juni 2007
Entdeckte einen sehr interessanten Artikel, welcher von
Dr. Brij Lal - einem der 3 "Architekten" von Fidschis gegenwärtiger Verfassung -
geschrieben wurde. Er wurde in Grossbritannien veröffentlicht, ich fand ihn
hingegen zufällig in der 'Fiji Times'.
War of words ends in coup
Wednesday, June 13, 2007
Fiji experienced a range of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006,
with the year ending on the unsettled note on which it had begun, says
academic and co-architect of the 1997 Constitution, Dr Brij Lal.
In a London journal called The Round Table and obtained by The Fiji
Times, Dr Lal said Fiji was caught in a dilemma of its own making, hobbled by
tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent past, and reeling from
the effects of the December 5 coup.
"A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous
community's worst fears about spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil," he said.
Dr Lal said this fourth coup sidelined institutions of the indigenous
community, the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs, severing the
overarching influence they had exercised on national life.
He said politicians who supported past coups transformed themselves into
fearless defenders of democracy because this time they found themselves on the
other side of the barrel of a gun.
On the other hand, victims of previous coups like Labour leader Mahendra
Chaudhry, accepted ministerial portfolios in a military-appointed interim
administration "in the national interest.
Dr Lal said Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, who initially disclaimed a
political role, accepted appointment as interim prime minister while remaining
military commander, with the full support of a visibly ailing and curiously
ineffectual President, Ratu Josefa Iloilo.
He said in between talks of coup and confrontation, Fiji had its share
of drama caused by an intense election campaign in May and the multi-party
power-sharing cabinet that promised to take the country towards a new era of
He said the flashpoint between the military and the Government in
January 2006 came at the end of a long and troubled relationship.
"A cold' war between the two had begun as early as 2003 when it became
clear that Commodore Bainimarama was a no-nonsense personality' who would not
toe the Government line.
"An early indication came in 2004 when Commodore Bainimarama
single-handedly took on both the President and the Prime Minister and reversed
a government order to reduce the sentence for soldiers involved in a mutiny in
November 2000," he said.
In May that year, five senior military officers alleged that Bainimarama
was plotting to overthrow the Government. In retaliation, the Government
quietly and unsuccessfully initiated moves to have Commodore Bainimarama
replaced. Dr Lal said the military objected to people close to the Government,
some even part of it, variously implicated in the attempted coup of 2000 being
released from jail after a brief period under the Compulsory Supervision
Order, and others on "dubious" medical grounds.
These included former Vice President, Ratu Jope Seniloli, and ousted
Fijian Affairs Minister Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu. The military insisted that
the real' players in the 2000 crisis were walking free while the small fry'
were being caught in the net.
"Others implicated were safely out of the country on plum diplomatic
postings. These included Ratu Inoke Kubuabola posted to Malaysia and later
Japan as Fiji's High Commissioner, Isikia Savua, the controversial Police
Commissioner in 2000, cleared of misconduct and dereliction of duty in a
closed trial headed by the former Chief Justice Sir Timoci Tuivaga was sent to
Dr Lal said having installed Qarase as the interim Prime Minister after
the Speight crisis of 2000, Commodore Bainimarama hoped he would form a lean
and corruption-free government but it was not the case.
Dr Lal said revelations of massive scams in the Ministry of Agriculture
involving millions of dollars to buy votes in the 2001 general election under
the guise of pro-Fijian affirmative action policies, hardened Commodore
Bainimarama's opposition against the Government.
"Bainimarama fingered Attorney-General Qoriniasi Bale and raised
questions on his competence and integrity."
Mr Qarase defended his government from the "untruthful allegations".
Dr Lal said the military's condemnation of the government crystallised
around two controversial bills including the Promotion of Reconciliation,
Tolerance and Unity Bill.
"The provision that inflamed not only the military's but civil society's
vehement opposition to the Bill concerned the granting of amnesty to persons
who made full disclosures of all facts relevant to acts associated with a
political, as opposed to purely criminal, objective during the crisis. Rightly
or wrongly, the amnesty provision came to be viewed as a device to pardon coup
"The hasty release from jail of those convicted of coup-related crimes
increased the public's suspicion about the Government's real, unstated,
"It was argued that the Bill's amnesty provision was in fact intended to
circumvent the country's generally robust judiciary, whose proper role it was
to adjudicate matters of such importance.
"How could there be reconciliation without justice, many asked?"
Dr Lal said faced with sustained vocal pressure from a wide
cross-section of the community, the Government withdrew the Bill, promising to
take account of the concerns that had been raised.
Ultimately the Government decided to drop the amnesty provision. By
dropping the provision after months of insisting that it would not be removed
or amended under any circumstances, Qarase caught the nation by surprise and
briefly reclaimed some of the ground he had lost to Commodore Bainimarama.
"Expedient or genuine, the concession came too late. By then, the
military had already decided to overthrow the Government," said Dr Lal.
But the question was asked: "If the much-criticised amnesty provision
was dropped, what remained of Bainimarama's objection?
"Self-preservation was said to be the answer. If the Reconciliation
Commission, which the Bill proposed to set up, was established, the
Commodore's violent suppression of an army mutiny in November 2000, which
nearly claimed his life and resulted in the brutal death of rebel soldiers
would be scrutinised. Many in Fiji believe that Bainimarama is haunted' by the
mutiny — indiscipline and insubordination in the ranks of the military, its
violent quelling, attempt on the Commodore's life and read his subsequent
behaviour in the light of that fact.
"Questions would be asked about the commodore's role as then head of the
Military Government, in the dismissal of the President, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara
in 2000," said Dr Lal.
The other piece of legislation that the military opposed was the
Qoliqoli Bill (2005) designed to transfer all proprietary rights to and
interests in qoliqoli areas within Fiji fisheries waters to owners.
"Many qoliqoli boundaries are uncharted or unregistered and the critics,
including the military, felt that the Bill would accentuate conflict among
Fijians when registration started."
Dr Lal said the Government, which went to the elections promising to
introduce the Bill in parliament if it was returned to power, claimed that it
had majority Fijian support for the Bill. The upshot of the public debate on
these two controversial bills was to secure wide opposition support for
16. Juni 2007
Natürlich habe ich mich sehr gewundert, dass die
Interim-Regierung in Fidschi den Hochkommissar von Neuseeland als 'persona-non-grata'
erklärt hat und ihm bis Montag Zeit gegeben hat, das Land zu verlassen. Er habe
sich zu stark in die inneren Angelegenheiten Fidschis eingemischt, wurde
Das kann sein, mag sein und vielleicht ist es ja auch
wahr. Wahrscheinlicher ist es aber, dass sich damit Fidschi wieder einen
Bärendienst erwiesen hat. Denn die internationale - die nationale sowieso -
Gemeinschaft und Presse wird das Land einmal mehr mit berechtigter und
unberechtigter Kritik überhäufen.
Es bleibt also die Frage, warum kein guter PR-Mann (warum
nicht Ken Rowe anfragen?) die Regierung in Sachen Diplomatie und internationaler
Denn wie es Mick Beddoes, der Oppositionsführer,
ausdrückt: im Endeffekt werden durch diese traurige Geschichte wieder die
Fijilive zeigt heute einen weiteren Artikel über die
IT-Saga bei NLTB. Demnach wird geprüft, ob mySAP nicht zu komplex für eine
kleine Organisation wie NLTB ist.
Ueberrascht hat mich jedoch, dass auch mein früherer
Arbeitgeber, Vinod Patel Limited, keine SAP-Software mehr verwende. Dabei habe
ich von Dave S. noch vor einem Jahr gehört, wie Bachubhai Patel - der "Mann" bei
VINCO - bei einer Cocktailparty eben gerade diese Software gerühmt hat. Und wie
viele Millionen F$ die Firma darin zu investieren gedenke. Muss mal meinen alten
Kollegen Daksesh P. fragen, ob sie wieder SBT Pro verwenden.
Hier noch der Artikel:
NLTB to decide on mySAP system
Saturday June 16, 2007
Fiji's Native Land Trust Board is expected to make a decision on whether
to continue using the mySAP IT system by the end of this month.
Interim Minister for Fijian Affairs, Ratu Epeli Ganilau confirmed that
the board will be meeting in two weeks time to decide whether the IT system is
suitable for a small company like NLTB.
"The system is too complicated and we don't have experts in Fiji to
operate such system which is why the company cannot afford such a
sophisticated system," he said.
He said a lot of bigger companies like Vinod Patel Limited are not using
the mySAP system anymore because of its complexity.
"We are just too small for a company (NLTB) to be using the system
because it will only cost us a lot of money in maintaining it," Ratu Epeli
"For instance if the system goes down, we don't have the experts locally
to fix the problem so we have to refer to overseas countries like India for
He said three years back they had to bring in four Indian IT experts to
fix a major breakdown at NLTB.
"The damages caused us a lot of money so we have to do something to see
that we can see that this is not repeated in future."
Ratu Epeli also confirmed that NLTB's General Manager Kalivati Bakani
and IT manager, Mojito Mua were sacked over allegations of misconduct.
He said that it was a unanimous decision by the board.
"There was no two ways about it because the evidence was there."
5. Juni 2007
Es ist viel passiert in Fidschi, aber ich habe einfach
nicht (mehr) die Zeit, das Geschehene zu kommentieren. Aber heute muss ich mich
mal wieder in die Tasten hauen. Denn die mexikanische Regierung hat vor einem
Jahr eine starke Protestnote an die Schweizer Regierung gesandt. Grund war ein
Verbotskleber in der VBZ (Verkehrsbetriebe Zürich), welche ein Piktogramm mit
einem Mann mit mexikanischem Sobrero zeigte. Dabei wurde indirekt suggeriert,
dass Mexikaner mit Guitarren im Tram um Spenden betteln. Die Einsprache der
Mexikaner war erfolgreich - der Kleber wurde in allen Trams und Bussen entfernt.
Ein "Fidschi" ist im deutschen Raum - vor allem in
Deutschland selbst - zu einem Schimpfwort geworden. Damit werden Asiaten
benannt. Wahrscheinlich weiss keiner dieser Kerle und Girls, welches dieses Wort
benutzen, wo überhaupt Fidschi auf der Landkarte zu finden ist.
Kopiere hier den englischen Artikel darüber aus dem
Severe Anti-Semitism Hits Youth Football in Germany
By Heike Baldauf
They were two teams of 14-year-olds. But that didn't seem to matter.
Right-wing fans rained anti-Semitic and racist insults down on a youth-league
game in Eastern Germany last month. Police are investigating, but it's far
from an isolated incident.
The Ascension Day holiday was to be a big day for the football community
in Wurzen, a small town of 15,000 near Leipzig in former Communist-ruled East
Germany. The local junior league had a match scheduled with a team from the
industrial city of Chemnitz, formerly known as Karl-Marx-Stadt and located
near the Czech border.
A number of fans had found their way to the stadium and by the time the
whistle blew for kick-off, they were in high spirits, swilling beer and
chanting supporters' songs. The usual horde of young neo-Nazi skinheads and
xenophobes were in the stands, looking for trouble.
Then the taunts began. The fans struck up a welcoming chorus for the
visiting junior soccer team: "We'll build a subway from Chemnitz to
Auschwitz..." You "Fiji pigs," they yelled at two 14-year-olds who were subbed
in. You "foreigner pigs!" They made monkey noises every time they touched the
ball. They also targeted the 14-year-old goalkeeper from the visiting team:
"Jewish pig, go fuck your Jewish mother," they yelled.
'They're Making Us Look Like Such Monsters'
The crowd didn't just target the visitors. A linesman flagged an offside
call, earning him a torrent of abuse including: "Get it right, Jew, or we'll
come and pull your foreskin off."
Despite a number of attempts by the referees to get the crowd under
control, the insults continued.
The kids from Chemnitz were not to be put off their game, eventually
winning 2-0. But referee Christine Weigelt was not going to let matters rest
there. From notes made during the game, she compiled a report on the
anti-Semitic and racist abuse and handed it to district police chief Bernd
Her deputy referee Henry Lickfeldt added his protest. But some sport
functionaries sided with the rabble, branding Weigelt and other accusers as
liars tarnishing Wurzen's reputation. Sports Association President Heiko
Wandel said Weigelt had lost control of the match: "They're making us look
like monsters," he said. "We've got Vietnamese and Russians among our players.
They should stop putting on such a show."
Many of the insults also came from the players on the field. Indeed, one
player from the Wurzen team was barred from playing while the league looked
into accusations that he had racially assaulted a Chemnitz player with a
Vietnamese background. Wandel was not impressed. "That is going too far," he
said. "I'll cover for him. He promised me that he didn't say anything. One is
allowed to insult the Germans, but as soon as a Vietnamese is insulted, it is
The Vietnamese boy in question, son of a communist-era immigrant family,
was given a red card just as the game was ending for shoving the player he
accuses of having insulted him. "I would like too apologize for doing that,"
the boy said later. "But I won't put up with remarks like that." On the other
side of the ball, a father of one of the Wurzel players apologized to the
Chemnitz team for the insults.
But how could such a thing happen, and that at a children's league game?
That is exactly the question that Harald Sather, chairman of the Committee of
Referees in the state of Saxony is asking. "We have to get to the bottom of
all this," he said. "Abuse is going too far. Foreign players deserve respect.
How could this happen at a juniors' game?"
For Germany's amateur sports world, the involvement of 12-
to-14-year-old kids in incidents during the game at Wurzen is a worrying new
trend, while abuse by far-right fans at soccer fixtures in East Germany is a
fact of life. After major disturbances in amateur football in Saxony last
February, 60 matches were cancelled on a single day as a punishment.
Police have promised to press charges. But Germany's Federation of
Active Soccer Fans claims no police action would have been taken had referee
assistant Lickfeldt not taken the initiative to call the police. Indeed, after
the game, Lickfeldt says that the referee supervisor from Wurzen said he had
seen nothing out of the ordinary and warned the referees against filing a
report. He also says that the Wurzen trainer told him: "If you write
something, then play it down. The German Football Association has their eyes
out for such things."
Martin Endemann from the fans' association says that is what normally
happens. "Referees often look the other way in such situations in order not to
have any trouble. We have seen this again and again over the years." His
group, based in Hanau in Western Germany, is running a campaign against
intolerance and xenophobia in the country's football stands.
Wurzen -- which has 1,700 unemployed among its 15,000 residents and is
famed for a cookie factory, the poet Joachim Ringelnatz and a mail-order firm
specializing in far-right music and clothes -- was put on the map by its
neo-Nazis and anti-Semites after communism collapsed in 1989. Skinheads and
hard-right thugs chased Portuguese workers through the streets and attacked a
hostel for asylum-seekers in the 1990s.
Wurzen's mayor Jürgen Schmidt, a member of German Chancellor Angela
Merkel's Christian Democratic party (CDU), is keeping silent about the
Ascension Day soccer match. He happens to be vice-president of the Wurzen club
and shares a council administration table with local functionaries of the
far-right NPD party.